Tiwanaku

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Tiwanaku (Spanish: Tiahuanaco or Tiahuanacu) is an ancient archaeological site located in western Bolivia, near Lake Titicaca, approximately 70 kilometers from La Paz. It is one of the largest sites in South America. The area covered by surface remains is about 4 square kilometers and includes decorated pottery, large buildings, and massive stone blocks.

Tiwanaku (Spanish: Tiahuanaco or Tiahuanacu) is an ancient archaeological site located in western Bolivia, near Lake Titicaca, approximately 70 kilometers from La Paz. It is one of the largest sites in South America. The area covered by surface remains is about 4 square kilometers and includes decorated pottery, large buildings, and massive stone blocks. Experts estimate that around 10,000 to 20,000 people lived at the site around the year 800 AD.

The site was first recorded in writing in 1549 by Spanish explorer Pedro Cieza de León during his search for the southern Inca capital, Qullasuyu.

Bernabé Cobo, a Jesuit historian from Peru, wrote that Tiwanaku was once called "taypiqala," which means "stone in the center" in the Aymara language. This name reflects the belief that the site was at the center of the world. The original name used by Tiwanaku's people may have been lost because they did not have a written language. Some scholars, including Heggarty and Beresford-Jones, believe the Puquina language was most likely spoken by Tiwanaku's people.

Site history

The dating of the site has become much more accurate over the last 100 years. From 1910 to 1945, Arthur Posnansky believed the site was 11,000 to 17,000 years old. He used information about geological times and archaeoastronomy to support his findings. In the 1970s, Carlos Ponce Sanginés suggested the site was first used around 1580 BC. This was the oldest date found using radiocarbon testing. This date is still shown in some books and museums in Bolivia. Since the 1980s, scientists have found this date to be incorrect. They now agree the site is no older than 200 to 300 BC. Recently, a study using reliable radiocarbon dates suggests the site was built around AD 110 (between 50 and 170, with 68% chance). This is supported by the absence of older ceramic styles.

Tiwanaku started growing steadily in the early centuries of the first millennium AD. Between AD 375 and 700, the Andean city of Tiwanaku became important. At its peak, Tiwanaku covered about 4 square kilometers (1.5 square miles) and had more than 10,000 people. The city's growth was because of a complex agropastoral economy, which was supported by trade.

The society seemed to collapse around AD 1000. The reason is still being discussed. Recent studies by geologist Elliott Arnold from the University of Pittsburgh found evidence of more dryness in the region during the collapse. A drought in the area would have harmed local farming systems and probably contributed to Tiwanaku's collapse.

Relationships

The people of Tiwanaku had a close relationship with the Wari culture. Both the Wari and Tiwanaku civilizations used the same symbols and images, known as the "Southern Andean Iconographic Series." The connection between these two civilizations is likely based on trade or military activities. The Wari were not the only other culture that Tiwanaku may have interacted with. Inca cities also featured buildings and structures similar to those found in Tiwanaku. This suggests that the Inca may have drawn inspiration from Tiwanaku and other early civilizations in the Andean basin.

Structures

Researchers have uncovered several important structures at Tiwanaku, including the terraced platform mound Akapana, Akapana East, and the Pumapunku stepped platforms. Other structures include the Kalasasaya, the Kantatallita, the Kheri Kala, the Putuni enclosures, and the Semi-Subterranean Temple.

Some scholars suggest that the leaders of Tiwanaku lived within walls surrounded by a moat. This idea is called the "Tiwanaku moat theory." The moat may have been used to create the image of a sacred island. Inside the walls were images related to human origins, which were only visible to the elites. Common people may have entered this area only for ceremonies, as it housed the most important shrines.

Many theories explain how Tiwanaku builders achieved their architectural skills. One theory suggests they used a standard measurement called a luk’ a, which is about 60 centimeters. However, Protzen and Nair state that their measurements did not confirm this idea and found no clear unit of measurement used consistently. Another theory involves the Pythagorean Ratio, which uses right triangles with a 5:4:3 proportion in gateways. Protzen and Nair also argue that Tiwanaku builders used a system where individual elements were designed based on their specific context and composition. This is seen in gateways of varying sizes, which show that scaling did not affect proportions.

As the population grew, people began to specialize in specific jobs. More artisans, such as those who made pottery, jewelry, and textiles, appeared. Unlike the later Inca, Tiwanaku had few markets. Instead, the elites controlled all economic resources and provided commoners with what they needed to perform their roles. Occupations included farmers, herders, and pastoralists. This division of labor was linked to a system of social classes.

The Akapana is a structure shaped like a "half Andean Cross." It is 257 meters wide, 197 meters broad at its widest point, and 16.5 meters tall. A sunken court was located at its center, but it was damaged by a looter’s excavation that extended from the center to the eastern side. Material from the excavation was dumped on the eastern side. A staircase is on the western side, and possible residential areas may have been located in the northeast and southeast corners.

Akapana East was built on the eastern side of early Tiwanaku and later became a boundary between the ceremonial area and the urban region. It had a thick floor made of sand and clay, supporting buildings. Yellow and red clay was used in different areas for decorative purposes. The area was kept clean of waste, showing its importance.

The Pumapunku is a T-shaped, terraced platform mound built along an east-west axis, like the Akapana. It is 167.36 meters wide north to south and 116.7 meters wide east to west, with a height of 5 meters. Projections 27.6 meters long extend from the northeast and southeast corners. Walled and unwalled courts and an esplanade are part of this structure.

A major feature of the Pumapunku is a large stone terrace called the "Plataforma Lítica." It is 6.75 by 38.72 meters and paved with large stone blocks. The largest stone found here is estimated to weigh 131 metric tons, and the second-largest is about 85 metric tons.

Around the Pumapunku, many cut stones are scattered. The complexity of the stonework has led some to claim ancient alien involvement, but these claims are not supported by evidence. The most accurate reconstruction of the site is based on 3D modeling by Alexei Vranich.

The Kalasasaya is a large courtyard over 300 feet long, surrounded by a high gateway. It is located north of the Akapana and west of the Semi-Subterranean Temple. The Gateway of the Sun was found here, but researchers believe it was not originally placed there.

Near the Kalasasaya is the Semi-Subterranean Temple, a square sunken courtyard with a north-south axis. Its walls have tenon heads of different styles, suggesting it was used for multiple purposes. It was built with sandstone pillars and smaller blocks of Ashlar masonry. The largest stone in the Kalasasaya weighs about 26.95 metric tons.

Many structures at Tiwanaku have gateways, some placed on mounds or sunken courts. One gateway shows a figure in a Staff God pose, a symbol also found on large vessels. This iconography, called the Southern Andean Iconographic Series, appears on sculptures, Qirus, snuff trays, and other artifacts.

The top of the Gateway of the Sun has carvings of animals and other beings. Some believe these symbols represent a calendar system, but there is no proof to support this.

Gateways at Pumapunku and the Akapana are incomplete, missing a recessed frame called a chambranle, which would have held clamps for additions. These structures show advanced stone-cutting skills and knowledge of geometry. The regularity of their design suggests they followed a system of proportions.

Cosmology

In many Andean cultures, mountains are respected and may be seen as sacred places. The Tiwanaku site is located in a valley between two sacred mountains, Pukara and Chuqi Q’awa. In ancient times, temples were used for ceremonies to honor gods and spirits. These places were important for worship and rituals that helped bring Andean people together through shared symbols and pilgrimage sites.

Tiwanaku became a center for religious ceremonies for both common people and leaders. For example, some pre-Columbian civilizations used human sacrifice to ask gods for good fortune. Excavations at Tiwanaku’s Akapana site uncovered remains of humans and camelids used in sacrifices. Some Tiwanaku artwork shows a rare figure called the “Tiwanaku Camelid Sacrificer,” which has both human and camelid features and is shown carrying a trophy head or an axe. Scholars call this figure the “Tiwanaku Camelid Sacrificer,” and it appears often on valuable items like snuff-related tools, textiles, and carved bone tubes, especially in areas connected to camelid trade routes. Researchers believe that camelids and humans share camay (a spiritual power) and that the Tiwanaku Camelid Sacrificer represents tucoy (the process of changing into a new form).

Experts think the Akapana may have also been used as an astronomical observatory. It was built to align with the peak of Quimsachata, offering a view of the Milky Way’s movement from the southern sky. Other structures, like Kalasasaya, were placed to provide clear views of the sunrise on the Equinox, Summer Solstice, and Winter Solstice. While the exact meaning and purpose of these monuments are not fully known, the Tiwanaku people understood the positions of the sun, moon, Milky Way, and other celestial objects well enough to include them in their architecture.

Aymara legends say Tiwanaku was at the center of the universe, likely because of its important location. The Tiwanaku people paid close attention to their natural surroundings and used them, along with their knowledge of astronomy, to plan their buildings. The most important landmarks in Tiwanaku are the mountains and Lake Titicaca. The water level of Lake Titicaca has changed a lot over time. The spiritual and physical importance of the lake made Tiwanaku a place of religious significance. In Tiwanaku beliefs, Lake Titicaca is the spiritual birthplace of their cosmic ideas. According to Incan stories, Lake Titicaca is where Viracocha was born. Viracocha is said to have created the sun, moon, people, and the universe. At Tiwanaku’s Kalasasaya, a carved figure on a stone called the Gate of the Sun holds a spear-thrower and snuff. Some believe this is a picture of Viracocha. It is also possible that the figure represents a god called “Tunuupa,” who, like Viracocha, is linked to stories of creation and destruction.

The Aymara people, who are believed to be descendants of the Tiwanaku, have a belief system similar to other Andean civilizations. They believe in three worlds: Arajpacha, the upper world; Akapacha, the middle or inner world; and Manqhaoacha, the lower world. The upper world is connected to the cosmos and the Milky Way and is where celestial beings live. The middle world is where all living things exist, and the lower world is where life is reversed.

Archaeology

The Tiwanaku site has been damaged by looting and untrained digging since shortly after the civilization fell. This damage continued during the Spanish conquest and colonial period, and during the 19th and early 20th centuries. Additional harm occurred when people quarried stone for building and railroad construction, and when military personnel used the area for target practice.

No buildings from the original Tiwanaku site remain standing today. Only public, non-residential foundations are left, with walls that have been poorly reconstructed. The ashlar blocks used in many structures were made in similar styles so they could be used for multiple purposes. Over time, some buildings changed their uses, leading to a mix of artifacts found today.

Detailed study of Tiwanaku began in the mid-1800s on a small scale. In the 1860s, Ephraim George Squier visited the ruins and later published maps and sketches from his visit. In 1876, German geologist Alphons Stübel spent nine days at Tiwanaku, creating a map based on careful measurements. He also made sketches and paper impressions of carvings and other architectural features. In 1892, engineer Georg von Grumbkow published a book with major photographs of the site. This book, with commentary by archaeologist Max Uhle, was the first detailed scientific account of the ruins.

Von Grumbkow first visited Tiwanaku between late 1876 and early 1877, when he accompanied French adventurer Théodore Ber on an expedition funded by American businessman Henry Meiggs. Ber promised to donate any artifacts he found to the Smithsonian Institution and the American Museum of Natural History. However, Ber’s expedition was stopped due to local hostility, but von Grumbkow’s early photographs remain.

In the 1960s, the Bolivian government began efforts to restore the site and rebuild parts of it. The walls of the Kalasasaya are mostly reconstructed, but the work was not based on strong evidence. The reconstructed walls do not match the high-quality stonework of the original Tiwanaku. Early visitors compared Kalasasaya to England’s Stonehenge. Ephraim Squier called it "American Stonehenge." Before reconstruction, Kalasasaya had a more Stonehenge-like appearance because the stones between the pillars had been looted. The Gateway of the Sun, now in Kalasasaya, is believed to have been moved from its original location.

Modern, scientifically rigorous archaeological work was conducted from 1978 through the 1990s by University of Chicago anthropologist Alan Kolata and his Bolivian colleague, Oswaldo Rivera. Their work included rediscovering the suka kollus, accurately dating the civilization’s growth and influence, and finding evidence that a drought caused the Tiwanaku civilization to collapse.

Archaeologists like Paul Goldstein argue that the Tiwanaku empire extended beyond the altiplano area into the Moquegua Valley in Peru. Excavations at Omo settlements show similar architecture, such as a temple and terraced mound. Evidence of similar cranial modifications in burials at Omo and Tiwanaku also supports this claim.

Today, Tiwanaku is a UNESCO World Heritage Site, managed by the Bolivian government.

Recently, Bolivia’s Department of Archaeology (DINAR), led by Javier Escalante, has been excavating the Akapana terraced platform mound. The University of Pennsylvania’s Pumapunku-Akapana Archaeological Project (PAPA) has also been excavating the area and using ground-penetrating radar.

In the past, an archaeological field school run by Harvard’s Summer School Program, directed by Gary Urton and Alexei Vranich, caused controversy among local archaeologists. The program allowed untrained students to work on the site, even under professional supervision. This practice was controversial because only certified professionals with proper funding were allowed access. The controversy had nationalistic and political issues. The Harvard program ran from 2004 to 2007 and was not renewed afterward.

In 2009, state-sponsored restoration work on Akapana was stopped by UNESCO due to a complaint. The restoration used adobe to face the platform mound, but researchers had not confirmed this method was appropriate.

In 2013, marine archaeologists exploring Lake Titicaca’s Khoa reef discovered an ancient ceremonial site and recovered artifacts, including lapis lazuli, ceramic figurines, incense burners, and a ceremonial medallion. These items show the richness of Tiwanaku ceremonies.

In 2016, a topographical map created using drone imaging revealed previously unknown structures covering 411 hectares (1,020 acres). These included a stone temple spanning 17 hectares (42 acres) and about 100 large circular or rectangular structures, possibly domestic units, along with canals and roads.

Aerial surveillance

Between 2005 and 2007, UNESCO used several aerial monitoring techniques to create a detailed image of the site. These methods included Lidar, aerial photography, drones, and ground-based laser scanning. The data collected from this research produced topographical maps that display the main structures at the site, as well as maps of several structures in the Mollo Kuntu area. Over 300 million data points were gathered using these methods. These data points have helped identify main structures that have not been fully excavated, such as the Puma Punku.

Important authors

Alan Kolata from the University of Chicago did research at Tiwanaku in the late 1900s. He described the city, its buildings, and its culture in his book The Tiwanaku. Later, he wrote another book called Valley of the Spirits, which explained more about Tiwanaku’s beliefs, such as astrology and myths.

John Wayne Janusek from Vanderbilt University also worked at Tiwanaku in the late 1900s. He recorded findings from excavations there. In 2008, he published a book called Ancient Tiwanaku, which described details about the city’s buildings, farming methods, and other parts of daily life.

Jean-Pierre Protzen was a professor of architecture at the University of California, Berkeley. He spent much of his life studying Tiwanaku’s buildings. In 2013, he worked with Stella Nair, a professor with a Ph.D. in art and architecture, to write a book called The Stones of Tiahuanaco. This book explains the city’s architecture and stonework. Their research included experiments to study how ancient people shaped stones. Their work helped scientists imagine what many of the structures, like Puma Punku, might have looked like.

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