The Kingdom of Mapungubwe (pronounced / m ɑː ˈ p uː n ɡ uː b w eɪ / mah- POON -goob-weh ) was an ancient state located where the Shashe and Limpopo rivers meet in present-day South Africa, south of Great Zimbabwe. The capital had about 5,000 people by 1250, and the kingdom likely covered 30,000 square kilometers (12,000 square miles).
Around 1000 CE, some Leopard's Kopje people moved across the Limpopo River to Bambandyanalo, where they farmed and raised cattle. They moved large herds to other communities’ grazing land, which helped build relationships between groups. They also traded goods with Swahili city-states along the East African coast through the Indian Ocean. Over time, growing wealth led to inequalities that the layout of Bambandyanalo could not handle.
Around 1220, during a dry period, the Mapungubwe leaders moved to live on Mapungubwe Hill. Later, the general population settled on the land around the hill. Hills were often used for rainmaking ceremonies, and Mapungubwe Hill became the only such site. The leader living there helped create the idea of a sacred king. Wealth was gathered through trade, as the meeting point of the Limpopo and Shashe rivers was a major trading center. Ivory and gold were sent to the east coast. By about 1300, unknown events and changes in trade routes caused the population to move elsewhere. Today, they are often linked to the Kalanga (Shona) and Venda peoples.
Although local people knew about the sacred site, it was not rediscovered by scientists and the colonial government until 1933. Artifacts found at the site are displayed in the Mapungubwe Museum in Pretoria. The site is in Mapungubwe National Park in South Africa, near the borders of Zimbabwe and Botswana. While it was once thought to be the first state in southern Africa, discoveries at Mapela Hill show evidence of sacred kingship nearly 200 years earlier.
Etymology
The original name of the site is unknown. It was named Mapungubwe based on rules used by archaeologists, and this name was later used for the kingdom. The word Mapungubwe means "a place with many jackals." In many Bantu languages, the part "-pungubwe" means jackals. In the Venda language, the word for jackal is "phunguwe," and in Northern Sotho, it is "phukubje."
Geography
The area around Mapungubwe, near the Limpopo River, is now dry and receives little rain. It includes sandstone hills, Kalahari sands, and scrubland. Between the years 1000 and 1200, the region had more rainfall, which helped plants grow. This growth supported animals like warthogs, wildebeests, buffalo, and tsetse flies. Flooding from the Limpopo River spread nutrients across the floodplain, including in the Mapungubwe Valley. The valley had soils that ranged from sandy to clay, allowing farming to take place throughout the year.
History
The wider area was home to the San people for about 100,000 years. The San left behind many cave paintings in Southern Africa, which are important historical records. Between 350 and 450 CE, Bantu-speaking groups lived in the Shashe-Limpopo Basin. The Kingdom of Mapungubwe began with people from Leopard’s Kopje, an ancient culture in present-day Zimbabwe.
Around 900 CE, some Zhizo people moved south to settle near the Limpopo River, called Schroda. This move pushed the San away from their lands. The Zhizo raised cattle and farmed. They traded with the San, who lived in different places. Schroda likely had about 500 people and was the Zhizo’s capital. The chief, the richest person, gained cattle through fines, tributes, and marriage payments. The Zhizo made unique pottery, which gave them their name. They traded ivory, gold, rhino and leopard skins, and iron for glass beads, cloth, and ceramics with coastal cities like Chibuene.
By 1000 CE, some Leopard’s Kopje people moved south to Bambandyanalo (also called K2), while the Zhizo moved west to Toutswe in Botswana. Some scholars think these groups had conflicts, but others believe their relationship was more complex. This time also brought a wet period, which improved farming. The Leopard’s Kopje people spoke an early form of Shona, likely Kalanga. K2 was their capital, divided into areas led by family heads, with the chief having the largest home. Women worked with copper, and men worked with iron.
They grew crops like sorghum, millet, and cowpeas. Cattle were kept away from the capital to graze on other communities’ land, creating social ties. By 1200 CE, K2 had about 1,500 people. Rainmaking was common, and the chief sometimes hired outsiders, like the San, for their spiritual knowledge. Some Zhizo at Leokwe also specialized in rituals.
Thomas Huffman said the wealth from trade caused big differences in social classes, with a large gap between leaders and commoners. Mark Horton argued that inland areas benefited less from trade than coastal cities. Others, like Shadreck Chirikure, believe the economy and rulers’ power came from farming and herding. Nam Kim and Chapurukha Kusimba think the rise of the state was due to farming, cattle, and rituals.
By 1200 CE, a dry period began. Royal leaders moved the capital to Mapungubwe, an old rainmaking site, and settled on its flat-topped hill around 1220 CE. The old village may have been burned. Mapungubwe Hill became the only place for rainmaking, linking the leader to spiritual power. The San had lived there before, and their art was found in a rock shelter.
The first king, called "Shiriyadenga" in some traditions, lived in ritual seclusion on the hill’s western side. His palace had rooms for visitors and a diviner. By 1250 CE, Mapungubwe had 5,000 people, with settlements forming a circle around the hill. The second king, "Tshidziwelele," had his palace on the hill’s center, with a room for visitors and an intermediary. Kings had many wives, some living outside the capital to maintain alliances. The state’s structure is unclear, but it may have been similar to the Pedi Kingdom.
The economy relied on farming, and cattle were grazed on other communities’ land to build political ties. Wealth came from tributes, including crops and animals. Copper, gold, and tin were likely obtained through trade, as they were not found in the Limpopo-Shashe Basin. Stone walls may have separated elites and commoners and also protected against attacks. Scholars like Kim, Kusimba, and Simon Hall believe coercion and violence helped maintain power. Mapungubwe traded with nearby groups and sent gold and ivory to the Indian Ocean trade through Sofala.
The cause of Mapungubwe’s collapse is unknown. Some theories suggest droughts and land damage from cattle, while others point to changes in trade routes. Kilwa and Mogadishu became major ports, shifting trade to the north and weakening Mapungubwe’s economy. This may have caused political breakdowns and loss of trust in leaders. People scattered northwest and south, and the area was abandoned. Great Zimbabwe, a new city to the north, later rose as a successor, adopting similar leadership and spatial arrangements.
Culture and society
Over time, the people living at K2 changed from a society based on social ranking to one organized into social classes. This was one of the first examples of a class-based system and a type of leadership where the king had religious importance in southern Africa. The leader and other important people lived on the hilltop, while others lived below. There were four paths to the hill, with the main one protected by soldiers called the "eye" of the king. The settlement was divided into areas where families lived, each led by a family head, and these areas formed a circle around the hill. The kingdom likely had five levels of leadership: family heads, headmen, petty chiefs, senior chiefs, and the king.
The king slept in a small wooden hut in a secret location. Visitors were kept away from him. His group included soldiers, praise singers, and musicians who played mbiras and xylophones. His actions followed special rules, such as when he sneezed, a praise singer would announce it to others. Wives were important for gaining success and status, so the king had many. The most important wife managed the others. Some wives lived outside the capital to help maintain alliances.
Mapungubwe followed a common settlement pattern in southern Africa called the "Central Cattle Pattern." The center of the settlement was where men lived, including areas for making decisions and keeping cattle. Women lived in the outer areas, where they had homes and did domestic tasks. Life in Mapungubwe focused on family and farming. Special places were built for ceremonies, daily activities, and other community events. Cattle were kept near homes, showing their importance. The leader’s court was in the center, but he would not be there. Instead, he would stay in a ritual seclusion on the hilltop, while his brother, the second most powerful person, would manage daily affairs.
Scholars have studied other societies in southern Africa and noted that young people likely faced challenges, as they did most of the work but could not own cattle or land until marriage. Only men of high status were allowed to work with copper and gold, which were linked to power, wealth, and fertility. Only the elite had gold, while most people used iron tools. Poorer farmers used stone and bone tools. Men were buried in areas where cattle were kept, while women were buried outside these areas.
Important people were buried in hills. Royal wives lived in separate areas away from the king. Wealthy men had homes on the edges of the capital. This way of organizing space first appeared at Mapungubwe and later appeared in other societies like the Butua and Rozwi. As the population grew, some people may have focused on making pottery. Gold items were found in the graves of the elite on the royal hill.
Rainmaking was a practice used to influence rain and avoid droughts or floods. People believed humans could affect nature, spirits, or ancestors who controlled rain. The San, who were thought to have strong connections to ancient spirits, were often asked to help with rainmaking. San shamans would enter trances to reach the spirit world and capture animals linked to rain. The people at K2 chose the San over the Zhizo, their rivals, because the San did not believe in ancestors, avoiding the risk of being controlled by the Zhizo. Rainmaking sites, like Ratho Kroonkop, were located on hills with streams nearby. As society became more complex, houses and shrines were built on hills, and the practice became more formal. At Mapungubwe, the elite tried to move rainmaking from multiple hills to one, Mapungubwe Hill, with the royal family acting as the main ritual leaders, showing a shift away from ancestor worship.
Economy
Mapungubwe’s economy was mainly based on farming and raising livestock. The area had a dry climate, which made farming difficult. To protect crops, people moved their cattle away from fields during planting and harvest seasons, even though cattle were important for social reasons. This helped reduce damage to the land and allowed for larger herds, which improved productivity. Changing rainfall patterns created challenges, but people found ways to manage them. Textiles, ceramics, and ivory items like bracelets were made in Mapungubwe. Nearby, K2 produced cloth and glass beads. The metal industry used locally developed techniques to melt and shape iron, copper, gold, brass, and bronze. Most metals were brought in from nearby areas through trade or tribute, such as gold from the Tati goldfields in modern-day Botswana and southwestern modern-day Zimbabwe. Items made included tools like chisels, axes, and arrowheads, as well as jewelry.
Mapungubwe traded with nearby places like Toutswe and Eiland. A major source of wealth came from trade with the Indian Ocean region. Early connections included Chibuene, but after it was destroyed, Sofala became the main trading port. Arab merchants visited Sofala in the 10th century because demand for gold increased as Muslim, European, and Indian states used gold coins. Although the Limpopo River could not be used for large ships, traders traveled inland along it. Mapungubwe exported gold and ivory, while glass beads from India and Southeast Asia were imported and used as money. Chinese celadon pottery found at the palace was likely a gift given to allow foreign traders to conduct business. Beads were made rarer by combining smaller ones into larger ones called "garden rollers," which increased their value and status.
The impact of trade on Mapungubwe is not fully understood. Some scholars, like Thomas Huffman, believe long-distance trade helped create the state and increased the gap between leaders and common people. Others, such as Shadreck Chirikure, suggest the economy and rulers’ authority were based on farming and herding. Richard Pearson used dependency theory to argue that exporting raw materials may have limited Mapungubwe’s development. David Killick noted there is not enough evidence to confirm if trade caused unequal exchanges or dependency. Mark Horton and others argued that the East African interior, including Mapungubwe, gained less from long-distance trade compared to coastal Swahili city-states, possibly because the Swahili controlled trade routes.
Stone masonry
The spatial organization of Mapungubwe, called dzimbahwe in Shona, used stone walls to mark important areas. These walls showed differences in social classes and created a special area for religious or ceremonial purposes for the king. A stone-walled house was likely used by the main advisor. Stone and wood were combined in construction. A wooden fence probably surrounded Mapungubwe Hill. Most people living in the capital likely resided inside the western wall.
Royal burials
In the 1930s, a large cemetery was discovered near the palace, which contained 23 graves. Most of the graves had few or no items, but many adults were buried with glass beads. However, three graves were different. The first, called the original gold burial, included a wooden headrest and three wooden objects covered in gold foil: a divining bowl, a sceptre (likely a knobkerrie), and a rhino. The second grave, likely belonging to a woman, had over 100 gold bangles, 12,000 gold beads, and 26,000 glass beads. The person was buried facing west. The third grave, likely belonging to a tall middle-aged man, was also buried facing west. It included a necklace made of gold beads and cowrie shells, as well as several objects covered in gold foil, such as a crocodile.
In 2007, the South African Government approved the reburial of the skeletal remains that were discovered in 1933. The remains were reburied on Mapungubwe Hill during a ceremony on 20 November 2007.
Population
Skeletal analysis has been performed on the people of Mapungubwe to study their health and lifestyle. Findings show that the population had death rates similar to those of pre-industrial European groups. Many children died young, but those who lived past childhood could expect to live about 35–40 years. The people of Mapungubwe generally grew well, with few signs of long-term infections, though some children had signs of anemia.
The population of Mapungubwe is believed to be the ancestors of the Kalanga people, a subgroup of the Shona.
The site is claimed by the Vhavenda, particularly the Tshivhula clans of Sembola and Machete. The Venda identity developed between the 15th and 17th centuries through the merging of Kalanga, Shona, and Sotho groups. However, Mokoko Piet Sebola notes that some groups may be claiming the site for reasons related to land rights processes in South Africa, which have led to dishonest land claims. He states there is not enough evidence to support ancestral links to the site for the Vhavenda or other groups.
The people of Mapungubwe are considered the "cultural ancestors" of the Shona and Venda. Some Venda oral traditions mention kings named Shiriyadenga and Tshidziwelele who ruled from Mapungubwe Hill before being replaced by Vele Lambeu, though this is disputed. Other traditions say Tshidziwelele ruled before the Netshiendeulu at Tshiendeulu Mountain in the Soutpansberg.
Skeletal analysis of skull features has been used to study the genetic relationships between the people of Mapungubwe and other groups. Early research by Galloway (1939/1957) suggested similarities between the Mapungubwe population and "Khoisanid" groups, classifying them as "racially Boskop" (Khoisan) or possibly with "Caucasoid" traits. This classification became controversial because the material culture found at the site aligns with Iron-Age Bantu practices. Later analysis showed that most well-preserved remains from Mapungubwe fit within the range expected for Bantu groups.
Rightmire (1970) studied skull measurements, such as cranial length, nose bridge length, and other traits, and found that the six "K2 Crania" (including Mapungubwe) did not match "Bushman" (San) or "Hottentot" samples. Most of the samples fell within the range of modern Bantu variation. Rightmire concluded that the idea of Mapungubwe and Bambandyanalo people being part of a "large Khoisan" (Hottentot) population was incorrect, as there was no evidence to support this classification.
Steyn (1997) studied tooth samples and found them to be more similar to K2 samples (classified as "Southern African Negro") than to San samples. This suggests that K2 and Mapungubwe teeth likely came from a single population broadly similar to modern "South African Negro" groups.
Confusion about these findings arises from several factors. First, the small number of samples used in studies may lead to biased results. Second, skull measurements can be difficult to interpret, as different criteria may lead to different conclusions. Third, many scholars note that Southern African populations have long had mixed traits due to interactions between Khoisan and Bantu groups. Steyn explains that the old method of classifying individuals based on "ideal" racial traits is outdated. However, some studies, like Rightmire (1970) and Franklin & Freedman (2006), argue that enough differences can be identified between Khoisan and Bantu groups with high confidence.
Recent genetic studies from the past two decades show that Khoisan and Bantu populations in Southern Africa have mixed ancestry, a pattern seen in modern groups. Brothwell (1963) also noted that craniometric or genetic analysis alone cannot always accurately determine the ethnic or linguistic identities of historical groups, as some Khoisan populations have non-Khoisan ancestry, and some Xhosa samples have non-Xhosa ancestry.
Rediscovery and historiography
Local people knew about the site through stories passed down over generations. They believed the hill was sacred and that it held the power and presence of ancient kings. Their traditions warned against visiting or even looking at the hill. In the 1800s, a man named Frans Lotrie, who was either German or Dutch, traveled across the region and was called "Wild Lottering." Later, he settled near the Limpopo River. In the early 1900s, the Van Graans, who were farmers in the Mopane District, heard a story about a man who had lived alone in a cave near the Limpopo River. This man had climbed the sacred hill and found things there. After many years of searching, the Van Graans forced an unnamed local African guide to help them find the treasure in 1933. According to an archaeologist who wrote in 1937, the guide was very afraid and had to be held back before showing them the hidden path up the hill. They found pottery, copper, glass, gold, and the remains of a person who was highly decorated.
The Van Graans did not share everything they found. The younger Van Graan, who had studied at the University of Pretoria, told the archaeologist about the discovery. At that time, the University of Pretoria was only for Afrikaners. The university claimed ownership of the treasure, and the Hertzog government controlled the site. The discovery challenged the idea that Africa was a "dark" and "backward" continent needing to be "saved," as well as the belief that Afrikaners were "champions of civilization." Similar to what happened with Great Zimbabwe, the government tried to hide, discredit, and "protect" the site.
In the 1980s, the site was declared a national monument. For much of the 20th century, the study of Mapungubwe excluded local communities. However, after the end of apartheid, descendants and local people became more involved in the work at Mapungubwe.
Protected areas
The area is now part of the Mapungubwe National Park, which is located within the UNESCO Mapungubwe Cultural Landscape and the Greater Mapungubwe Transfrontier Conservation Area. The Mapungubwe Cultural Landscape was named a UNESCO World Heritage Site on July 3, 2003.