The Kingdom of Mapungubwe was an ancient state located where the Shashe and Limpopo rivers meet in present-day South Africa, south of Great Zimbabwe. The capital had a population of about 5,000 people by the year 1250, and the kingdom likely covered an area of 30,000 square kilometers (12,000 square miles).
Around the year 1000 CE, some Leopard’s Kopje people moved across the Limpopo River to Bambandyanalo. There, they practiced farming and raising livestock, moving large herds of cattle to other communities’ grazing areas. This helped build social and political connections. They also traded with East African city-states along the Indian Ocean coast. Over time, growing wealth among the population created inequalities that the layout of Bambandyanalo could not handle.
Around 1220, during a dry time, the leaders of Mapungubwe moved to live on Mapungubwe Hill. Later, the rest of the population settled on the land around the hill. Hills were often places where people believed rain could be brought, and Mapungubwe Hill became the only such site. The presence of the leader on the hill was important in creating the idea of a sacred king. Wealth was collected through tributes, and the meeting point of the Limpopo and Shashe rivers made it a key trade center. Ivory and gold were sent to the east coast. By about 1300, unknown events and changes in trade routes caused the population to move elsewhere. Today, people often link the descendants of Mapungubwe to the Kalanga (Shona) and Venda groups.
Although local people knew about the sacred site, it was not rediscovered by scientists and the colonial government until 1933. Artifacts found at the site are displayed in the Mapungubwe Museum in Pretoria. The site is now part of the Mapungubwe National Park in South Africa, near the borders of Zimbabwe and Botswana. Earlier discoveries at Mapela Hill suggest that sacred kingship may have existed nearly 200 years before Mapungubwe.
Etymology
The original name of the site is unknown. Archaeologists named the site Mapungubwe, and this name was later used for the kingdom. The word Mapungubwe means "a place of (many) jackals." In some Bantu languages, the part "-pungubwe" refers to jackals. For example, "jackal" is called "phunguwe" in Venda and "phukubje" in Northern Sotho.
Geography
The area around Mapungubwe, near the Limpopo River, is now dry and receives little rain. It includes sandstone hills, Kalahari sands, and scrubland. Between 1000 CE and 1200 CE, the region had more rainfall, which helped plants grow. This allowed animals like warthogs, wildebeests, and buffalo (as well as tsetse flies) to live there. Flooding from the Limpopo River spread nutrients across the floodplain, including in the Mapungubwe Valley. The valley had soils that ranged from sandy to clay, which made farming possible throughout the year.
History
The San people lived in the area for about 100,000 years. They left behind many cave paintings in Southern Africa. Between 350 and 450 CE, Bantu-speaking people lived in the Shashe-Limpopo Basin. The Kingdom of Mapungubwe began with the Leopard's Kopje culture in present-day Zimbabwe.
Because of the ivory trade, some Zhizo people moved south around 900 CE to live near the Limpopo River in a place called Schroda. The San were pushed away from their lands. The Zhizo raised cattle and farmed. They traded with the San, who lived in separate settlements. Schroda likely had about 500 people and was the Zhizo's capital. The chief was the richest person, gaining cattle through fines, tributes, raids, and the cost of marrying his daughters. The Zhizo made pottery with many styles, which is how they were named. They used figurines in lessons. They traded ivory, gold, rhino and leopard skins, and iron to coastal cities like Chibuene in exchange for glass beads, cloth, and ceramics.
Around 1000 CE, some Leopard's Kopje people moved south to live in Bambandyanalo (called K2, near Bambandyanalo Hill), while the Zhizo moved west to Toutswe in modern-day Botswana. Some scholars think their relationship was hostile and involved fighting, while others believe it was more complex socially and politically. This time coincided with a wet period that improved farming. Leopard's Kopje people spoke an early form of Shona, likely Kalanga. K2 was the capital, divided into areas managed by family heads, with the chief living in the largest area. Women worked with copper, and men worked with iron.
They farmed sorghum, pearl millet, finger millet, ground beans, and cowpeas. To use land better, cattle were kept away from the capital and allowed to graze on other communities’ land, building social ties. By 1200 CE, K2 had about 1,500 people. Rainmaking was common, and the chief sometimes hired outsiders, like the San, believed to have special connections to the land’s spirits. Some Zhizo at Leokwe (likely under K2’s control) also focused on rituals because of their long history in the area.
Thomas Huffman said the wealth from the Indian Ocean trade caused big differences in society, shifting from social rankings to classes, with a large gap between leaders and commoners. This made K2’s layout unsuitable for the changes. Mark Horton argued that the interior of East Africa benefited less from trade than coastal cities like the Swahili city-states, possibly because Swahili people controlled trade. Shadreck Chirikure and others believe the economy and leaders’ power came from farming and herding. Nam Kim and Chapurukha Kusimba say state formation happened because of farming improvements, cattle growth, and rituals.
Around 1200 CE, the wet period ended, and a drought likely caused problems. Royal leaders moved the capital to Mapungubwe, an old rainmaking site, and settled on its flat-topped hill around 1220 CE, while most people lived at the hill’s base. The old village may have been burned to make space. Mapungubwe Hill became the only place for rainmaking, linking the leader to spiritual powers. The San lived there long ago, and a rock shelter on the hill’s east side had their artwork.
The first king (called "Shiriyadenga" in some Venda traditions) lived mostly in ritual isolation, with his palace on the hill’s western side. It had a room for visitors, a room to check visitors, and a hut for the king’s special diviner. By 1250 CE, Mapungubwe had 5,000 people, with settlements around the hill forming a protective circle. The second king (called "Tshidziwelele" in some traditions) had his palace on the hill’s center, with similar arrangements but separated visitors from the king, who spoke through an intermediary. Kings had many wives, some living outside the capital to help build alliances. The state’s structure is unclear, but scholars think it was like the Pedi Kingdom.
The economy focused on farming, and cattle were still kept away from the capital to graze on other communities’ land, building political ties and increasing Mapungubwe’s influence. Wealth came from tributes in crops, animals, and rare goods. Copper, gold, and tin were not found in the Limpopo-Shashe Basin, so Mapungubwe likely got them through trade or tribute, using the Limpopo-Shashe confluence as a trade hub. It is unclear how much fighting or force helped Mapungubwe grow, as this is hard to find in archaeology. Stone walls may have separated elites and commoners and also protected against attacks, suggesting warfare was common. Kim, Kusimba, and Simon Hall say force and violence were important for keeping power. Mapungubwe traded with Toutswe and Eiland and sent gold and ivory to the Indian Ocean trade through Sofala.
It is unknown why Mapungubwe fell. Elizabeth Anne Voigt thought cattle might have damaged the land during droughts. David Killick and Christopher Ehret said Kilwa and Mogadishu became major ports in the 13th century, replacing Manda and Shanga. Under Kilwan influence, Sofala became the gold trade center, connecting directly to the Zimbabwean Plateau, which hurt Mapungubwe. Chirikure and others believe trade routes shifted north, harming Mapungubwe’s economy. Without imported goods, political ties broke down, as the society depended on trading for grazing land. They think people lost trust in leaders due to growing divides between commoners and the king (and possible high tribute demands), causing a loss of unity and people to leave. The area was abandoned as people scattered northwest and south, and they did not regroup. To the north, Great Zimbabwe, a separate population on the edge of the Mapungubwe state, became its successor, using the same layout and sacred leadership.
Culture and society
Over time, the people living at K2 changed from a society with social rankings to one with social classes. This was one of the first examples of a class-based system and a type of leadership called sacral kingship in southern Africa. The leader and other important people lived on top of a hill, while the rest of the population lived below. There were four paths leading up the hill, with the main path protected by soldiers known as the "eye" of the king. The settlement had areas for living, each managed by family leaders, and these areas surrounded the hill, creating a protective circle. The kingdom likely had five levels of leadership: family heads, headmen, petty chiefs, senior chiefs, and the king.
The king lived in a small wooden hut in a hidden place. Visitors could not see the king directly. His group included soldiers, praise singers, and musicians who played mbiras and xylophones. The king's actions followed special rituals, such as when he sneezed, a praise singer would announce it to others. Wives were important for gaining success and status, so the king had many wives, with the most important one leading them. Some wives lived outside the capital to help keep alliances strong.
Mapungubwe followed a common settlement pattern in southern Africa called the "Central Cattle Pattern." The center of the settlement was where men lived, including areas for solving disputes, making political decisions, and keeping cattle. The outer area was where women lived, with homes and other domestic spaces. Life in Mapungubwe focused on family and farming. Special places were built for ceremonies, daily activities, and other community events. Cattle were kept near homes, showing their importance. The leader's court was located in this area, but the leader would not be there; instead, he would stay in ritual seclusion on the hilltop. A brother of the king was likely the second most powerful person in the kingdom.
Scholars have studied other precolonial societies in southern Africa and noted that young people often had heavy work responsibilities but could not own cattle or land until marriage. Only men with high status were allowed to work with copper and gold, which were linked to power, wealth, and fertility. Only the elite would have owned gold, while most people used iron tools. Poorer farmers used tools made of stone and bone. Men were buried in kraals, and women were buried outside of them.
Elites were buried on hills, and royal wives lived in separate areas away from the king. Important men had special homes on the edges of the capital. This type of spatial organization first appeared at Mapungubwe and was later seen in other societies like the Butua and Rozwi states. As the population grew, some people may have become full-time potters. Gold items were found in the tombs of the elite on the royal hill.
Rainmaking, or controlling rain, was a practice used to bring rain and avoid droughts or floods. People believed humans could influence nature, spirits, or ancestors who controlled rain. The San, who were thought to have close ties to ancient spirits, were often asked to help with rainmaking. San shamans would enter trances to reach the spirit world and capture animals linked to rain. The people at K2 chose the San over the Zhizo, their rivals, because the San did not believe in ancestors, which avoided the Zhizo's influence. Rainmaking sites were often on hills with streams below, such as the site called Ratho Kroonkop. As society became more complex, houses and shrines were built on hills, and the practice became an official part of the culture. At Mapungubwe, the elite moved the ritual from multiple hills to a single hill, Mapungubwe Hill, with the royal family acting as the main ritual leaders. This change showed a shift away from ancestor worship and toward royal authority.
Economy
Mapungubwe's economy was mainly based on a mix of farming and herding animals, known as agropastoralism. The region had a dry climate, which made farming difficult. To protect crops, people kept their cattle away from fields during planting seasons, even though cattle were important for social reasons. This helped protect the land and allowed them to keep larger herds, which increased their productivity. Changing rainfall patterns also created challenges, but people found ways to overcome them. Mapungubwe produced textiles, ceramics, and ivory items like bracelets. Nearby, K2 made cloth and glass beads. The metal industry involved melting and shaping metals like iron, copper, gold, brass, and bronze. Most metals were brought from nearby areas through trade or tribute, with gold likely coming from the Tati goldfields in modern-day Botswana and southwestern Zimbabwe. Items made included tools like chisels, axes, and arrowheads, as well as jewelry.
Mapungubwe traded with nearby places like Toutswe and Eiland. A major source of their wealth came from trading with the Indian Ocean. Early connections included Chibuene, but after it was destroyed, Sofala became the main trading port. Arab merchants visited Sofala because demand for gold increased in the 10th century as Muslim, European, and Indian states used gold for coins. Though the Limpopo River was not navigable, traders used it to travel inland. Mapungubwe exported gold and ivory, while importing many glass beads from India and Southeast Asia, which were used as money. Chinese green pottery found at the palace was likely a gift given to allow foreign traders to conduct business. Beads were made rarer by combining smaller beads to create larger ones, called "garden rollers," which increased their value and prestige.
Scholars disagree about how trade affected Mapungubwe. Some, like Thomas Huffman, believe long-distance trade helped form the state and created a large difference in status between leaders and common people. Others, like Shadreck Chirikure, argue that the economy and leaders' power were based on farming and herding. Some scholars, like Richard Pearson, think exporting raw materials might have weakened the economy, but others, like David Killick, say there is not enough evidence to know if trade was unfair. Mark Horton and others suggest that the interior of East Africa benefited less from long-distance trade than coastal Swahili city-states, possibly because the Swahili controlled trade routes.
Stone masonry
The way the Mapungubwe area was arranged, called dzimbahwe in the Shona language, used stone walls to mark important areas. These walls showed differences in social classes and created a special, private space for the king. There was a stone-walled building that may have been where the main advisor lived. Stone and wood were used together in construction. A wooden fence likely surrounded Mapungubwe Hill. Most people living in the capital would have lived inside the western wall.
Royal burials
In the 1930s, a large cemetery was found near the palace, which contained 23 graves. Most of the graves had few or no items, but most adults were buried with glass beads. However, three graves were different. The first, called the original gold burial, included a wooden headrest and three wooden objects covered in gold foil: a divining bowl, a sceptre (likely a knobkerrie), and a rhino. The second grave, likely for a woman, had over 100 gold bangles, 12,000 gold beads, and 26,000 glass beads. The third grave, likely for a tall middle-aged man, also faced west and included a necklace made of gold beads and cowrie shells, as well as several objects covered in gold foil, such as a crocodile.
In 2007, the South African Government approved the reburial of the skeletal remains that were excavated in 1933. This reburial took place on Mapungubwe Hill during a ceremony on 20 November 2007.
Population
Skeletal analysis of the people from Mapungubwe has been used to study their health and lifestyle. Findings show that the population had death rates similar to those of pre-industrial European groups. Many children died young, but those who lived past childhood could expect to live about 35 to 40 years. The people of Mapungubwe generally grew well, with few signs of long-term infections. However, some children showed signs of anemia.
The population at Mapungubwe is believed to be the ancestors of the Kalanga people, a subgroup of the Shona. The site is also claimed by the Vhavenda people, particularly the Tshivhula clans of Sembola and Machete. The Venda identity developed between the 15th and 17th centuries from the blending of Kalanga, Shona, and Sotho groups. However, Mokoko Piet Sebola notes that some groups may be claiming the site for land-related reasons, not because of direct ancestral ties. He states there is no strong evidence to support claims of ancestry by the Vhavenda or other groups.
The people of Mapungubwe are considered the "cultural ancestors" of the Shona and Venda. Some Venda oral traditions mention kings named Shiriyadenga and Tshidziwelele who ruled from Mapungubwe Hill before being replaced by Vele Lambeu. This is disputed by other traditions, which say Tshidziwelele ruled before the Netshiendeulu at Tshiendeulu Mountain in the Soutpansberg.
Studies of skull features (craniometric traits) have been used to compare the people of Mapungubwe with other groups. Early research by Galloway in the 1930s and 1950s linked Mapungubwe to "Khoisanid" groups and classified them as "racially Boskop" (Khoisan), possibly with some "Caucasoid" traits. This classification was controversial because the material culture found at Mapungubwe matches known Iron-Age Bantu practices. Later studies showed that most well-preserved remains from Mapungubwe fit within the range of Bantu groups.
Rightmire’s 1970 analysis measured skull traits such as cranial length, nose bridge length, and other features. He found that six "K2 Crania" (including Mapungubwe) did not match "Bushman" (San) or "Hottentot" samples. Most of the samples fell within the range of modern Bantu groups. Rightmire concluded that the idea of Mapungubwe and Bambandyanalo people being part of a "large Khoisan" group was incorrect.
Steyn’s 1997 study compared tooth samples from Mapungubwe and K2 with those from San and "Southern African Negro" groups. She found that Mapungubwe and K2 teeth were more similar to "Southern African Negro" samples than San samples. This suggests that both groups likely came from a single population with traits similar to modern "South African Negro" groups.
Confusion about these findings arises from several factors. First, the small number of samples studied makes results less reliable. Second, measuring skull features can lead to misinterpretations, as traits from one group may be mistakenly attributed to another. Third, Southern African populations have long had mixed traits due to interactions between Khoisan and Bantu groups. Steyn noted that the old method of classifying individuals based on "ideal" racial traits is outdated. However, some studies argue that broad differences between groups can still be identified.
Recent genetic studies from the past 20 years support the idea that Khoisan and Bantu populations in Southern Africa have mixed ancestry. This mixing is also seen in modern Khoisan and Bantu groups. Brothwell (1963) pointed out that craniometric or genetic analysis alone cannot always accurately identify historical ethnic or language groups, as some Khoisan groups have non-Khoisan ancestry, and some Xhosa groups have non-Xhosa ancestry.
Rediscovery and historiography
Locals knew about the site from stories passed down through generations. They believed the place was sacred and connected to powerful ancestors. Their traditions warned people not to visit or even look at the hill. In the 1800s, a man named Frans Lotrie (from Germany or the Netherlands) traveled across the region and was called "Wild Lottering." He later lived near the Limpopo River. In the early 1900s, the Van Graans, who were farmers in the Mopane District, heard a story about a white man who lived alone in a cave near the Limpopo. This man was said to have climbed the sacred hill and found things there. In 1933, the Van Graans forced an unnamed local guide to lead them again with a team. An archaeologist wrote in 1937 that the guide was very scared and had to be held back from showing the secret path up the hill. They found pottery pieces and objects made of copper, glass, and gold, as well as the remains of a person who was highly decorated.
The Van Graans did not share all their findings. The younger Van Graan, who had studied at the University of Pretoria (an institution that only allowed Afrikaners to attend at the time), told an archaeologist about the discovery. The university received the rights to the treasure, and the Hertzog government took control of the site. The discovery challenged the idea that Africa was a "backward" place needing help and the belief that Afrikaners were "champions of civilization." Like with Great Zimbabwe, the government tried to hide, discredit, and protect the site.
The site was declared a national monument in the 1980s. For most of the 20th century, research and understanding of Mapungubwe did not include local communities. However, after the end of apartheid, descendants and local people have become more involved in the work at Mapungubwe.
Protected areas
This area is now part of the Mapungubwe National Park, which is also part of the UNESCO Mapungubwe Cultural Landscape and the Greater Mapungubwe Transfrontier Conservation Area. The Mapungubwe Cultural Landscape was named a UNESCO World Heritage Site on July 3, 2003.